Friday, April 17, 2020

Quartets in Quarantime: Beethoven & Schumann to the Rescue

As we continue our time apart together, this week’s dose of great music includes two masterpieces which, as Peter Sirotin described them,  radiate warmth and generosity of spirit. Beethoven created his 'Harp' Quartet during the final stages of his hearing loss, and Schumann composed his String Quartet in A Major during a bout of severe depression. Remarkably, these miraculous works continue to inspire and lift our spirits after almost two centuries. We are  grateful and delighted to share with you extraordinary performances of this music by the Philharmonia Quartett Berlin and the Avalon Quartet.

The Philharmonia Quartett Berlin performed Beethoven's String Quartet in E-flat Major, Op. 74, the “Harp” Quartet as part of their performance with Market Square Concerts first program of the 2012-13 season at Harrisburg’s Market Square Presbyterian Church. (Both of these performances were recorded by Market Square Church's sound technician, Newman Stare.)



Beethoven in 1806
The “Harp” Quartet earns its nickname from the unusual passages where the instruments pluck the strings – called pizzicato – as part of the opening theme at 2:07-2:17 but especially at two structurally significant moments, 6:11-6:27 (as the “development section” turns into the “recapitulation”) and again at 6:58-7:22, both leading up to the return of the main theme. There's one last hurrah at 8:53-9:22 and 9:41-9:48 during the “coda” (or tail) which wraps up the first movement.

The second movement (at 10:15), the slow movement, is a straight-forward adagio in A-flat Major, which Philip Radcliff in his book on the quartets calls “one of the most directly appealing movements that Beethoven ever wrote” with its “mood of Olympic serenity.” Judging from the sketches, this long-breathed theme came into existence more spontaneously than usual for Beethoven who frequently struggled with his ideas, the final version sometimes lacking any similarity with his first attempt.

The third movement (at 19:38) abruptly changes the overall mood. In Beethoven’s darkly dramatic key of C Minor (think especially the C Minor 5th Symphony), it bears many resemblances to the scherzo of the 5th with its almost constant “fate” rhythm in the background. Unlike the 5th, however, the transition to the finale (at 21:50) works in reverse: rather than building up to it, it’s more like the Storm movement in the 6th Symphony, the Pastorale, where the thunder and tension recedes into the background, leaving you hanging on an open-ended Dominant 7th chord which resolves directly into the 4th Movement without (hopefully) a break.

This finale (at 24:48) starts off almost anticlimactically with a seemingly mundane theme. This, however, sets up a series of variations that soon shifts into the patterns we’d normally associate with Beethoven. The harmony is simple, almost prosaic – easy for a listener to follow than some of the things he’d written before which often left listeners unwilling to leave the 18th Century behind them.

Rather than being old-fashioned, it’s his way of taking “something old” and turning it into “something new.” Perhaps not as new as the variations that would conclude his late piano sonatas and would fill the Late Quartets with some of their most magical moments, but well on its way.

And this quartet is a difficult work to “place.” It follows the symphonic brilliance of the three “Rasumovsky” Quartets (Op. 59) and though it seems to be a “one-off” work, not part of a larger set, it’s actually part of a pair of quartets that were written about the same time, though its companion piece, the Op. 95 Quartet in F Minor, which Beethoven called the “Serioso,” was published several years later. It would be twelve years before Beethoven would begin his last set of string quartets, known collectively as the “Late Quartets.”

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If you are a fan of the Dialectic – where, basically, an idea (or thesis) generates its opposite (or antithesis) which then combine to form some combination of the two (the synthesis) which in turn becomes a new idea generating its own opposite and so on – both Mozart and Haydn were interested in fashioning something new out of a combination of the current and the old. Beethoven, in his own way, was doing the same thing in the next generation: we have no idea how Mozart would have reacted to it (he would’ve been 44 in 1800, when Beethoven’s first quartets and 1st Symphony were premiered) but Haydn (who was 68, then) couldn’t make much sense out of this “new music,” admiring some of it but basically at a loss to accept it.

By the time Beethoven wrote his Late Quartets – the ultimate in individualism, music so private it was deemed, for better or worse, the result of his isolating deafness – he was well past the heroic outbursts of his Eroica and 5th Symphonies, now in his 50s (we tend to forget Beethoven died at the age of 56 – his music has not only made him timeless, it’s also made him ageless).

In a sense, Mozart’s K.499 Quartet, the earlier work on this original program, is also a transition work that never had a chance to go anywhere since the composer didn’t live long enough to complete the transition (one can only imagine, given the contrapuntal complexity of, say, the “Jupiter” Symphony’s finale from 1788, written only two years later).

Performers, programmers and program-note writers never seem to know where to put Beethoven’s two “lone” quartets – the “Harp” (Op. 74) and the “Serioso” (Op. 95). They’re not quite Middle Period and not yet Late Period. What they are, basically, is an example of how Beethoven did not wake up one morning with a whole new stylistic approach, the Late Period, which seems to begin around the “Hammerklavier Sonata” (1817-1818) before we get to the last three piano sonatas (1820-1822), the 9th Symphony (1822-1824), the Missa Solemnis (1819-1823) and, finally, those Late Quartets (1823-1826).

There is also that very long, very frustrating unproductive period between 1815 and 1818 or so, when his creative output was the lowest during his career and many of his contemporaries thought he had written himself out. Today, we might think of it as a musical extension of a Mid-Life Crisis (he was in his mid-40s, after all) and it would also be easy to blame it on the sheer amount of time and emotional energy consumed by his legal battles with his sister-in-law Johanna for the custody of her son, Karl, not to forget the sudden change in lifestyle when a man who could not imagine marrying, as much as he might seek the companionship of a wife, suddenly found himself with a teenaged boy under his roof.

What we also don’t realize is, after looking after the dates the “Harp” and the “Serioso” were composed, how much further away they are from this “Late Style” and how very much closer they are to the major works – in fact, even in between some of these major works – of the Middle Period: the 5th Symphony (1804-1806) and the 7th Symphony (1812).

The “Harp” Quartet (Op. 74) was written between late 1808 and 1809 and the “Serioso” (Op.95), despite its later opus number, was completed in 1810, not published for some reason until 1816.

Yet they still sound like “transition works.”

Given the regard the public has always had for Beethoven, even in his own day, it’s difficult to think of him as humanly fallible, at least in his music, that he could ever have doubted his own genius – this man who became the Titan, the supreme example of the confident artist.

But a creative style is a fluid thing – or at least, should be – and once you realize you've said all you can say “this way,” you start branching out for “new ways” to express yourself. But such breaks with the past, if conscious, are often scary – and as much a financial risk if your livelihood depends on the audience response to your work.

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The reality of 1809 can’t be ignored: Beethoven’s world was being turned upside down (again) by the siege of Vienna and its subsequent occupation by Napoleon and the French Army. While composing the A Major Cello Sonata, he had to hide in the basement of his brother’s house, covering his head with pillows because the noise of the bombardment so aggravated his delicate hearing, he was in terrible pain (he was not, as we sometimes overlook, “completely” deaf since the Heiligenstadt Testament of 1802: that, with its tragically necessary conversation books, would come much later).

It was also the time Haydn, recognized as the greatest composer of the day, was dying – Napoleon was respectful enough to put an honor guard in front of Haydn’s house at the time during the bombardment. Whatever their often prickly relationship may have been, the impending loss of this colossal figure in his life must have had some impact on Beethoven, his former student.

During the occupation, the Imperial Family fled the capital – including Beethoven’s friend, student and, more significantly, patron, the Archduke Rudolph, the Emperor’s youngest brother, a talented pianist and a composer in his own right. Several of Beethoven’s works are dedicated to him – not the least of them the “Archduke” Trio but also the Triple Concerto (written for him to perform) and the towering Missa Solemnis, initially composed for his being elevated to the post of Archbishop.

The piano sonata Beethoven composed at this time, always known for some reason in French as Les adieux (the “Farewell” Sonata), reflects the farewell to the Imperial family, the desolation of their subjects during their absence, and then looking forward to their hopefully quick, eventual return.

Another of Beethoven’s “public” projects was Incidental Music for Goethe’s play Egmont with its famous Overture but also numerous songs and marches. Considering the play is about the Dutch patriot’s stand against the tyranny of the occupying Spanish Army and its Inquisition, would there be any more reason for Beethoven – who had torn off his 3rd Symphony’s dedication to Napoleon after he’d crowned himself Emperor and proved himself to be just another power-hungry human – to compose this during the French occupation of Vienna? He began the work in October of 1809, though it wasn’t completed and performed until June of 1810, at which time he then began work on the Serioso Quartet. The French, meanwhile, had left Vienna on November 19th, 1809, and the Emperor returned on the 27th.

Another important event happened: the economy was tanking and Beethoven was looking for a way to get out of Vienna, hopefully finding a more stable location with an actual “gig.” As it turned out, Jerome, King of Westphalia – Napoleon’s brother who’d been placed on the throne of a newly created German kingdom to ensure its political loyalty and act as a “model” for other Germanic states – invited Beethoven to consider becoming his court composer, an attempt to turn his capital, Kassel, into an overnight cultural center.

Though it’s hard to imagine Beethoven, the composer of the Eroica Symphony, who broke his friendship with his patron, Prince Lichnowski because he refused to play for French officers who were guests in his castle, becoming an employee of Napoleon’s brother, but he let it be known he was considering it.

His friend, Baron Ignaz von Gleichenstein, helped to negotiate a pension supported by three of Beethoven’s wealthiest friends and patrons: Prince Lobkowitz, Prince Kinsky and the Archduke Rudolph. This annuity allowed Beethoven the financial support to stay in Vienna. While funding was sometimes difficult, especially with the fluctuations of the Austrian economy during these years of Napoleonic Wars, the Archduke was the only one who never reneged on his obligation.

Now, Baron Gleichenstein was also an amateur cellist. After these finances were finalized, Beethoven composed the A Major Cello Sonata and dedicated it to Gleichenstein.

As it turned out, Gleichenstein was courting a niece of Beethoven’s new physician, Dr. Johann Baptiste Malfatti, and she had a sister, Therese, whom Beethoven liked very much (she was 21; he, 40). Beethoven again engaged Gleichenstein’s help in his pursuit of Therese Malfatti which continued for some time without any encouragement from the would-be bride. Eventually, Beethoven gave up and apologized to her for his “mad behavior.”

Afterward, Beethoven wrote to Gleichenstein, “I can therefore seek support only in my own heart; there is none for me outside of it. No, nothing but wounds have come to me from friendship and such kindred feelings – so be it then: for you, poor B[eethoven], there is no happiness in the outer world, you must create it in yourself. Only in the ideal world can you find friends.”

(Gleichenstein was more successful: he and Anna Malfatti were married in 1811.)

However, in 1810, Beethoven apparently was again making plans to marry someone and there have been rumors (the Beethoven Myth Machine is still potent, even today) he was secretly married to another Therese, this one one of his piano students, one of the von Brunsvick sisters – both of them have long been candidates for the mysterious and so far unidentified “Immortal Beloved.” They, by the way, had a cousin named Giulietta Guicciardi with whom Beethoven had earlier been in love with. To Giulietta, he dedicated the “Moonlight” Sonata of 1801; to Therese von Brunsvick, he dedicated the Op. 78 Sonata in F-sharp Major, a seemingly slight work in two short movements but one he frequently called one of his favorite pieces. It was also composed in 1809, around the time he was writing the “Harp” Quartet!

Because an artist is often like one long fabric flowing through time, we discover numerous strands weaving together that can create a complex life as well as an equally complex context for the creative works.

There is another aspect I’ve only barely touched, and that is Beethoven’s health – seriously, much more than just his increasing deafness – which also had serious impact on his life though perhaps less so on this particular piece.

But, also seriously, there comes a time I must simply stop writing or you’ll end up with a book.

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The second work in this week's “dose” is Robert Schumann's String Quartet in A Major, Op. 41, No. 3, performed by the Avalon Quartet from Market Square Concerts' November, 2014, program, recorded at Market Square Church:



It's in the standard four movements with the first movement's graceful main theme (0:40) growing out of a motive of its tenuous introduction.

The second movement, Assai agitato (“very agitated”), takes the place of Beethoven's standard scherzo (usually the third movement), but he's put it here for a stronger contrast after a more leisurely and less dramatic first movement. A set of variations, the theme (starting at 7:22) is full of off-kilter syncopations, with the subsequent variations in more agitated moods: at 8:57, it breaks out into an intense round of canonic writing, not quite a fugue; at 9:45, it returns to a more lyrical mood; before (at 11:58) one more manic episode eventually resolves rather suddenly into a far calmer state at 13:16 to conclude.

The slow movement, Adagio molto, beginning at 14:32, is a lush-textured, slowly unwinding song-without-words.

The finale, marked Allegro molto vivace, beginning at 22:51, is full of rhythmic contrasts, from the main themes' joyful dotted rhythms to slightly stormy passages or rustic dances in the other episodes, until (at 28:38) the coda drives everything to a joyful conclusion.

It's almost difficult to tell Schumann had been dealing with depression only a few months before writing these three quartets of Op. 41.

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In late-April of 1842, Clara Schumann, one of the greatest pianists of her day, had returned home following some concerts in Denmark, one where her husband Robert had decided not to continue traveling with her (he'd not been feeling well, having one of his depressive bouts). As the spring progressed, plans for an American tour were receding (much to Robert's relief) and eventually canceled: he was also glad to have his wife home with him as housewife, mother and hostess rather than concert artist. It was a time they had both begun studying string quartets by Mozart and Haydn when Robert decided to put into practice what he had learned.

By June 2nd, he was sketching “quartet essays” and two days later began the 1st String Quartet. On the 11th, he began the 2nd Quartet even before the first one was finished. In between the 2nd and the 3rd Quartet, not begun until July 8th, he wrote a scathing article about Clara’s ex-boyfriend Carl Banck (it was so nasty, Schumann did not include it later when he re-published most of his articles) which ended up in a libel case which netted him a 6-day jail sentence which was commuted to “a five thaler fine.” The 3rd Quartet was finished on July 22nd, seven weeks after he’d begun work on the first.

During August, there was a bit of a summer vacation – I should mention, without getting too personal, the Schumann’s second child, Elise, was born nine months later – then back to Leipzig for rehearsals of the three quartets in early September. All three were performed in a house-concert on September 13th, Clara's 23rd birthday.

On the 23rd, then, he began work on the Piano Quintet which, after sketching it out in just five days, he completed on October 12th, 19 days after he'd started. Twelve days after that, despite the “constant fearful sleepless nights,” he began the Piano Quartet which he finished in a month. In the next month, he also composed a piano trio which he later recast as the Phantasiestücke (Op. 88) and a work for two pianos, two cellos and horn that later became a set of variations for two pianos (Op. 46).

All of that in seven months!

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Schumann in 1844
Better known at the time as a writer about music than a composer of it, Schumann had recently complained about the fate of the string quartet genre, how, since the glory days of Haydn, Mozart and Beethoven, no one of the next generation had written string quartets of any comparable value.

It’s important to realize, given the easily jumbled chronology of the music we’re familiar with in the concert hall or on recordings, Schumann wrote this article only 15 years after Beethoven’s death (and the Late Quartets were generally unknown and largely unpopular with the typical concert-going audiences of the day) but also about 10 years before he met a young composer named Johannes Brahms (when Schumann composed his quartets, Brahms was still only 9 years old).

By 1842, Felix Mendelssohn was the only major composer of the time who wrote string quartets during the period since Beethoven’s and Schubert’s deaths, at least any which endured in the repertoire: his first two were written when he was 18-20; the three quartets of Op.44 were composed when he was 28-29 (one more quartet, Op. 80, came later).

It’s not unusual, then, to see Schumann sitting down to write some string quartets of his own to see how he would fare – and then dedicating them to his friend and colleague, Felix Mendelssohn.

But if Beethoven had his deafness to deal with, in addition to numerous other physical ailments, Schumann had his own issues. Today, it's called “Bipolar Disorder,” but until fairly recently it was still known as “Manic Depression.” Whatever you call it, this is more than mood swings between being happy and feeling sad (“depression” is a word thrown around much too lightly, but there are different levels between “the blues” and the debilitating depths that too often lead to suicide). Essentially, without getting too clinical about it, it's a “mood disorder” defined by “manic episodes” which often involve sleeplessness, sometimes for a period of days, along with hallucinations, delusions, or paranoid rage, and “depressive episodes” which can be more devastating than merely being incapacitating.

Eventually, an extended episode in 1854 led to Schumann's attempt to drown himself in the Rhine, jumping off a bridge near his home in Düsseldorf.

The year Schumann was born, his father, then 37, was diagnosed with a “nervous disorder” which afflicted him the rest of his life: he died when Schumann was 16. The year before, Schumann's sister Emilie died of “a nervous stroke,” officially, though it was known in the family she'd committed suicide. When he was growing up in Zwickau, Schumann's family lived near what was then called “a lunatic asylum” and the idea of that building (where, according to one unsubstantiated report, fact or myth, his father may have died) gave him a life-long dread of such institutions in general.

His “manic depression” first manifested itself in 1833 as the result of the death of his older brother Julius and his wife – but I've only just learned this detail today: how did they die?

First, a little bit of medical history, considering the times we're living in in the 2020 Coronavirus Pandemic. The “2nd Cholera Pandemic of 1826-1837” spread from India across western Asia to Europe, Great Britain, the Americas, then Japan and China, though many feel this particular pandemic was a resurgence of the “1st Cholera Pandemic of 1817-1824” which had lingered in Indonesia until 1830.

I only mention this because – timing aside – Schumann's brother and his wife died in October, 1833, as a result of this pandemic and the news of their deaths triggered his first “severe depressive episode,” a term defined as “at least two weeks of 'low mood'... often accompanied by low self-esteem, loss of interest in normally enjoyable activities, low energy, and pain without a clear cause.” He recovered in early spring of 1834 and went on to found Die Neue Zeitschrift für Musik("New Journal for Music" though it's more of a “Journal for New Music”), first published on April 3rd, 1834. This became one of the most famous music journals in Europe and still publishes today under the aegis of the German publishing house of Schott Music.

Clara & Robert Schumann (1846)
Perhaps the central episode of Schumann's life at this time was his relationship with the young pianist and composer Clara Wieck and his piano studies with her father, Friedrich, which began in 1830. This became a prolonged trial ending in an actual trial after Robert and Clara sued Herr Wieck for permission to marry, a long-delayed event which finally happened on September 12th, 1840 (she was a day shy of 21; he was 30). As a composer primarily of piano music at the time, it might strike us odd this happy outcome should result in a flood of some 120 songs!

Since Robert had to abandon his dream of being a concert pianist after wrecking his hand with one of Wieck's “practice-facilitating” contraptions, he focused entirely on his journal and on composing. Even before their marriage, Schumann had already composed his most famous piano pieces: Carnaval, the Symphonic Etudes, Kinderszenen, Kreisleriana, and the Fantasie in C.

But in 1841, he composed two of his four published symphonies – the “Spring” Symphony, his first, and what eventually became his fourth, in D Minor (but not performed and published until ten years later after being substantially revised) – but also sketched four movements of a C Minor Symphony he never completed (the scherzo became one of his piano pieces, Op. 99 No. 13; material from the Adagio ended up in his 2nd Symphony a few years later), and there's the curious Allegro, Scherzo, and Finale which is essentially a symphony-without-a-slow-movement.

Meanwhile, Clara was becoming one of the greatest pianists of her day. Quickly, he realized he was better known as “Mr. Clara Schumann,” overlooked by her adoring public (even when she played his pieces) and soon, Robert found excuses – usually health-related – not to accompany her on some of these tours. This is all a future part of the story, especially following a more serious break-down in October, 1844, preceded by long fits of melancholy, when Clara wrote in her diary how she often found him sleepless, “swimming in tears,” that ten years later led to his attempted suicide on February 27th.

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We often talk a lot about Schumann’s “split personality,” not that he was schizophrenic in the medical sense or that he was any different from any artist who might be 50/50 Right-Brained/Left-Brained, as we might think of it today. Like the ancient Greek philosophers writing dialogues between teacher and student, Schumann often wrote articles or reviews from the viewpoints or with direct conversations between characters he named Florestan and Eusebius, among others. Florestan was the free and happy one and Eusebius the more pensive and dreamy. You can figure out which side of his nature is behind the music in each of the movements of this quartet, written at white heat in the summer of his Chamber Music Year.

People often say Schumann might have lived longer had he been treated for his illness but one has to wonder what impact a healthy life might have had on his music – first of all, would he have had the manic energy to tackle so many works in a single genre all at one time over the span of a few months? He might have been like many of his contemporaries, composers he wrote about and even championed, who were talented and perhaps even popular or at least well respected but, from our standpoint today, completely forgotten.

There's a great deal of biographical information regarding Schumann's illness in the remaining years of his life, too much to go into, here (you can read my post, And Schumann at the Close, for some of it), but if you recall his family history I'd mentioned earlier – his father and his sister – and that dread if not fear of the local “lunatic asylum,” the story only becomes more sad when you realize this brilliant and famous composer, one of the leading lights of 19th Century German Romanticism, spent the last 2½ years of his life locked away in such an institution in Bonn, not far from his beloved Rhine, his wife not allowed to visit him. When he composed his last works under the cloud of an increasing depression full of hallucinations and paranoia not to mention self-doubt and creative paralysis, he was 43 years old.

And yet this string quartet, a product of one of his more manic creative swings, remains a work full of life-affirming beauty, doesn't it?

Dick Strawser

Thursday, April 9, 2020

Music, Less Anxious, For a Time of Isolation

The fourth “Weekly Dose of Chamber Music” presented by Market Square Concerts' Artistic Director Peter Sirotin includes selections from the Brasil Guitar Duo's Summermusic 2017 performance and harpist Abigail Kent's special program at the Susquehanna Art Museum on Bastille Day, 2019.

You can read about the Brasil Guitar Duo and their All-Latin-American program in this post. However, that post focused mostly on the first half of the program which featured such familiar names as Piazzolla and Leo Brouwer. So I will add a little information about the "missing pieces" from the second half in this post.



Egberto Gismonti was born in Rio de Janeiro where he began studying piano at the age of 6 and then, after 15 years of study, went to Paris where he studied with Nadia Boulanger (see below) who encouraged him to combine “the collective Brazilian experience” with his own musical style. (Notice, this was a slightly different response than the advice she gave Piazzolla.) He also studied with Jean Barraqué, a serialist who'd studied with Webern and Schoenberg.

Gismonti in Buenos Aires, 2017
Self-taught as a guitarist, Gismonti returned to Brazil and began designing guitars with more than the usual six strings, expanding the possibilities of the instrument. “Approaching the fretboard as if it were a keyboard, Gismonti gives the impression that there is more than a single guitar player.” This recent photograph of him shows him playing his ten-string guitar.

Gismonti's sojourn in the Xingu region of the Amazon basin made a lasting impression. “Brazilian culture,” he says, “is the basic fountain or source that drives my music.”

“Gismonti is one of those musicians that is at one and the same time a shining light in the music of one particular country, and the music of a totally original human being who defies nationalistic categorisation,” guitarist Derek Gripper writes of his experience with the composer's music. “In many respects his music is quintessentially Brazilian, but at the same time it reaches so much further than the music of one nation or history possibly could. ...He just showed me what music could be.”

Jacob do Bandolim was born Jacob Pick Bittencourt in 1918. Like many Brazilians a mix of ethnic and religious heritages, he decided to adopt the stage-name “Jacob the Mandolin” after his preferred instrument. He considered music his full-time job but had various day-jobs to support himself and his band, as a pharmacist, an insurance salesman, finally a notary public.

As a composer, he is best known for his many choros – a chôro (pronounced SHO-ru) is an often lively dance despite the name meaning “cry” or “weeping.” North American audiences might be more familiar with the term from the dozen written in the 1920s by Brazilian composer, Heitor Villa-Lobos for various combinations of instruments, from the first one for solo guitar to the ninth, for full orchestra.

Borrowing influences from various ethnic backgrounds in Brazil – African and European as well as indigenous – it became the first internationally known form of Brazilian “urban popular music” and was adopted by “serious” classically-trained composers – which I guess means that pop musicians are not serious about their music – much in the same way Brahms incorporated the gypsy music of Hungary in his Hungarian Dances or the finales of many of his works like the Violin Concerto or the Piano Quartet No. 1 – or, for that matter, Chopin wrote mazurkas, based on a lively Polish folk-dance, beloved of the elegant salons of Paris.

While Bandolim's career was more on the side of “popular” music – which, I guess, means what we consider concert or classical music is not popular – Marco Pereira, the second composer in this set of guitar duos, would fall clearly on the “classical,” “serious” side of the continuum with his Masters degree from the Paris Sorbonne and a day-job as a teacher of harmony, composition and arranging, as well as of improvisation at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro. But, like Astor Piazzolla in Argentina, he chose not to focus on symphonies and string quartets and other abstract forms of “serious” music, writing a great deal of music as well as books reflecting the particular spirit that defines his native Brazil.

Born in São Paolo the same year as Pereira – 1950 – Paulo Bellinati is a world-traveled classical guitar performer and composer who, after graduating from the conservatory in his home-town, lived in Switzerland where he studied and taught in the late-'70s. As a scholar, he researched the life and music of Brazilian guitarist Aníbal Augusto Sardinha (known as “Garoto”), he also “developed a contemporary approach to Brazilian folklore, enhancing traditional forms with modern compositional techniques and harmonies.”

Together, all these create a varied sampling of the many “dialects” of the Latin American musical language – as varied as one might expect to find when comparing European composers from different countries and eras or even American composers from different backgrounds in our own country.

In an earlier post, I'd mentioned the old argument about “what constitutes an American composer?” – is it a composer who reflects “the American experience” (whatever that is) or someone who is, basically, born and trained in America?

When I started writing this post, I decided to check for some generic information about “Latin American Music” and found this, courtesy of Wikipedia:

“The music of Latin America refers to music originating from Latin America, namely the Romance-speaking countries and territories of the Americas and the Caribbean south of the United States."

And while that may seem self-evident, rather than building pigeon-holes, much less walls, perhaps it's really all we need to consider when trying to define something so richly complex as music?

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And now, some French music – appropriately from a Bastille Day recital given at the Susquehanna Art Museum on July 14th, 2019 (after the past month, that seems sooo long ago) by the harpist, Abigail Kent. From her program, you can hear works by four different composers: Germaine Tailleferre, Gabriel Fauré, Lili Boulanger, and Carlos Salzedo.

These composers all lived around the same time in Paris: Fauré, the oldest of these four, died in 1924, and had long been head of the Paris Conservatoire; Germaine Tailleferre “came-of-age” in Paris during World War I, and became a member of the group known as Les Six around 1920, even though her Harp Sonata dates from considerably later in her life; Lili Boulanger won the Conservatoire's Prix de Rome, the first woman to do so, in 1913 (when she was 19) and died in 1918 only ten days before Debussy; and Carlos Salzedo was a harp student at the Conservatoire where in 1901 he won 1st Prize in both harp and piano competitions on the same day (he was 16).

Like many members of the Younger Generation, past and present, there was a distinct backlash to the going style of the establishment's Older Generation – in this case, primarily Saint-Saëns, Fauré, and Debussy – and while Tailleferre was a student there at the same time as Maurice Ravel (who, in our tendency to pair great names of an era into one entity, is often lumped together with Debussy as an “Impressionist”), she would later hang out with other friends like Darius Milhaud, Francis Poulenc and other like-minded souls of what was then the Avant-Garde

Surprisingly, this Sonata for Harp was composed in 1953 when she was in her early-60s – it's often dated 1957, the year it was published – and initially written for the Spanish harpist, Nicanor Zabaletta, the “other” great harpist of the day (see Carlos Salzedo, below). Despite the date, one catches a bit of American jazz, a pinch of the Spanish habañera, and a dash of Ravel's G Major Piano Concerto but very little if anything of what was trending in post-World-War-II Europe or America. Barely ten minutes long, it's in the standard three movements with an opening Allegretto and a concluding Perpetual Motion (beginning c.6:36) surrounding a beautiful Lento (c.2:58).

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Erik Satie was the Grand Old Man of French Iconoclasts at the time and in 1917, at the ripe old age of 51, he wanted to form a group of young musicians orbiting around him called Les nouveaux jeunes when the dark days of the War with all its anti-German fervor continued to drag on-and-on. But Satie soon lost interest in the idea and it was taken up by the unclassifiable free-spirit-du-jour, Jean Cocteau when critic Henri Collet quite arbitrarily lumped six young composers whose works frequently appeared on the same programs and called them, rather unimaginatively, Les six.

Les Six: Poulenc, Tailleferre, Durey, Cocteau, Milhaud, Honegger (caricature of the absent Auric by Cocteau)
And so, Germaine Tailleferre ended up linked with Milhaud and Poulenc as well as Arthur Honegger, Georges Auric and Louis Durey for life like Les six was some musical “All-for-One-and-One-for-All” Band of Brothers (and a Sister). Truth is, collectively, they had little in common: technically, they weren't even all French since Arthur Honegger was Swiss-born and more of a Germanic Romanticist. Like Satie who eventually joined the French Communist Party in the late-1920s, Louis Durey quickly drifted away from the pack and himself became a Communist, writing mostly party-oriented songs and anthems. Auric and Poulenc followed in Cocteau's aesthetic footsteps and Milhaud called himself a “Mediterranean Lyricist,” though one of his most famous pieces has decidedly Les sixian roots: one of the places they would hang out was called Le boeuf sur la toit which became the title for his decidedly surreal ballet premiered in 1920. If nothing else, the fact they had a member who was a woman probably made them seem even more “notorious.”

Born Marcelle Germaine Taillefesse in 1892, when she decided she wanted to go to Paris to study music in 1904 and her father refused to support her, Germaine changed her name – just slightly – to Tailleferre to spite him. There, palling around with Milhaud and Honegger, she met Erik Satie and in 1918, her String Quartet appeared on a program given by the Nouveau Jeunes which became her entrance into Les six two years later. Though she never ventured very far from the sound-world of Fauré and her friend Ravel (someone else she used to hang out with as a student), she quickly branched out from The Group of Six and would, over the years, find influences from Couperin and Scarlatti to from Milhaud's forays into polytonality (the use of different keys simultaneously), and even a bit of Schoenbergian serialism in the late-1950s.

Une compositrice avec son chien
One of a handful of “women composers” [though now, finally, called “composers”] recognized internationally before the late-20th Century, the 1980 edition of Grove's Dictionary says “her music has always been gracious and feminine, qualities well displayed in the 1st Violin Sonata... or the sparkling orchestral Ouverture which recaptures something of Chabrier's verve.”

If you want to hear more, there are many works by Tailleferre I could recommend, but I'll just mention two: her 2nd Violin Sonata (written in 1951 but which one source says is an adaptation of a 1937 Violin Concerto) – here's the 3rd movement  – and her Piano Trio (a 1978 rewriting of a work from her mid-20s) with two links, a live performance and a different recording, with score.

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Gabriel Fauré is the common denominator in this set of four French harp pieces: as a leading composer and teacher at the Paris Conservatoire, he was The Old Guard Tailleferre and her fellow students of Les six were reacting against, even if, like many young radicals, her musical approach may have mellowed over the years. Even Georges Auric had said, shortly before the old man's death, “He was the Master of us all.”

Fauré also directly taught Nadia Boulanger and, indirectly, her younger sister, Lili; and even though Carlos Salzedo never studied composition with him, Fauré did sign a waiver so the young harp and piano student could take a counterpoint class after he had written out a Bach fugue from memory.

Here is Abigail Kent, performing the best known of Fauré's works for harp, Une Châtelaine en sa Tour.


This short work, its title cumbersomely translatable as “a lady of the castle in her tower,” is an elegiac piece whose title came from a poem by Paul Verlaine which Fauré had set about 25 years earlier, opening the song cycle La bonne chanson.

The eight songs were written while Fauré was staying at the home of the soprano Emma Bardac and her banker husband. Each day she would sing what he had just written: inspired by his love for her, he admitted they were one of his most spontaneous creations and so he dedicated the cycle to her and she gave it its premiere at a private concert in 1894. Two members of the audience had different reactions: Camille Saint-Saëns thought Fauré, his former student, had gone mad; Marcel Proust, later the author of the memory-inspired À la recherche du temps perdu, one of the great novels of the 20th Century, adored it.

Verlaine's 21 poems, completed in the spring of 1870, were the result of his love for a young woman named Mathilde Mauté de Fleurville whose Germanic first name inspired the Carolingian reference concluding Une Sainte en son auréole (a saint in her halo), a reference to the 9th Century empire of Charlemagne and the distant age of feudalism. It was the second line which provided Fauré with the title of his piece for harp in 1918. And while the term Châtelaine may be mysterious to a modern American, its decidedly medieval reference to “the wife of the lord of a chateau” would bring up a whole other world of knights and chivalry than simply referring to someone as “a lady.”

(You can listen to a recording by Barbara Hendricks of Fauré's setting of Une Sainte en son auréole, here.)

Verlaine's Mathilde was, by the way, 16 years old at the time, and he would marry her not long after writing these poems. However long Fauré's love for Emma Bardac lasted beyond their affair which began in 1892 (around the time he was staying with Emma and her husband, and writing La bonne chanson) – their relationship also resulted in a suite of little birthday pieces for her daughter, Régina-Hélène (a.k.a. “Dolly”), which the composer gathered into a piano duet called, appropriately, “The Dolly Suite.” Bardac, who'd married her husband when she was 17, would later meet Claude Debussy in 1903 (her older son, Raoul, was studying with him at the time), then the following year they decided to divorce their current spouses – unfortunately, Debussy's wife became so distraught, her attempted suicide caused a scandal but that's another story for another digression. Suffice it to say that Debussy and Emma's daughter, Claude-Emma (born in 1905), known to music-lovers as “Chou-Chou,” also inspired some piano pieces: “The Children's Corner.”

So, not to focus on Fauré's love-life, I'll just mention after his affair with Emma Bardac ended he met the daughter of Alphonse Hasselmann, the Conservatoire's harp professor, in 1900, beginning an open relationship with her that lasted until Fauré's death in 1924.

Fauré: Un compositeur à son bureau
One of Hasselmann's students was Micheline Kahn who won first prize in harp in 1904 when she was 14, which included a performance of Fauré's Impromptu, Op. 86, written for the competition. In 1913, the now established performer wrote to Fauré asking if she could publish her arrangements of three of his pieces – two from the Dolly Suite, a third from his music for the play Pelleas et Melisande – a project the composer welcomed.

Then came World War I. The worst battles were fought in the river valleys and woods between Paris and the Rhine and during the course of the war, Fauré arranged concerts to benefit wounded soldiers in Paris. Micheline Kahn was a frequent performer (Fauré used to send her occasionally flirtatious postcards in verse alerting her to upcoming performances with suggestion for repertoire). Eventually, in the spring of 1918, the Germans began shelling the French capital, the first of some 300 bombs to terrify Parisians falling four days before Debussy died.

Holiday Snap: Micheline Kahn & Gabriel Fauré, 1918
In 1918, then, Mlle Kahn was invited to join Fauré and some friends on holiday in Sainte-Raphaël on the Provençal coast near Nice (see photo, above), where he presented her with his recently completed Une Châtelaine en sa Tour which she then premiered on November 30th, 1918, in Paris, just weeks after the end of the war.

Many believe the brief work is an elegy – “but for what?” Fauré never says, but he left two hints, didn't he? The quotation from Emma Bardac's songs may imply memories of a lost love; the timing – written after four years of mind-numbing war – may be more realistic for a country (or at least a city) whose lost innocence was now a thing of the past, as the world (certainly everyone's own immediate, personal world) would begin a necessary healing.

There's also another possibility: the medieval image of the Chatelaine, the lady isolated in her castle tower, watching for the return of her husband (or lover) from some distant war, perhaps the Crusades – waiting for news that traveled far more slowly than it did even in 1918, much less today.

Writing about Fauré as a teacher, the musicologist Henry Prunières said, "What Fauré developed among his pupils was taste, harmonic sensibility, the love of pure lines, of unexpected and colorful modulations; but he never gave them [recipes] for composing according to his style and that is why they all sought and found their own paths in many different, and often opposed, directions." [quoted in Copland's “Gabriel Fauré, a Neglected Master,” published in the October 1924 issue of the Musical Quarterly; Fauré died on November 4th, 1924]

In addition to Ravel, two more of his students were the Boulanger Sisters, Nadia (around 1903-1904; she would later teach Aaron Copland, starting in 1921) and Lili (before 1913). And so we segue to the next piece on the program.

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Abigail Kent performs her arrangement of Lili Boulanger's Prelude in D-flat Major, written originally for piano.

Marie-Juliette Olga Boulanger, known to the world as Lili, was two years old in 1895 when family friend Gabriel Fauré stopped by for a visit and realized the child had perfect pitch. Her father Ernest (who was 77 years old when she was born) had won the Prix de Rome – a free year in Rome to study and create – in 1835 (ten years before Fauré was born!). Her mother, Raissa Mychetskaya (in one source, she's a Russian countess; in others, a princess) was a soprano who gave both her daughters their first music lessons.

When she was 5, Lili tagged along when older sister Nadia went for her music lessons at the Conservatoire and not long afterward, Lili would be sitting in on theory classes and taking organ lessons (don't ask me how she reached the pedals). She later studied piano, violin, cello – and harp (with Alphonse Hasselmann). Apparently, though, she didn't begin composing until she was 16 and studied primarily with Paul Vidal (whose claims to fame were winning the Prix de Rome the year before Claude Debussy, where he and Debussy played a two-piano arrangement of Liszt's Faust Symphony for the composer in 1886 which, apparently, Liszt slept through).

Lili Boulanger: une compositrice à son bureau
She entered the Conservatoire officially in 1912 and made it to the finals of that year's Prix de Rome competition, but during the rigorous course of writing her entry fell ill and had to withdraw. As no one won that year's award, there were two the following year and Lili won one of them, the first “woman composer” ever to win a Prix de Rome. An attack of measles then prevented her from going to Rome until March of 1914. Going home for what was to be a brief vacation that summer, she was kept in Paris when World War I began, not returning to Rome until 1916 where she faced considerable animosity from the Academy's director who felt the mere presence of a woman would prove a disruption...

Once again, illness became an issue, forcing her to return home before her scholarship had ended. She died of “intestinal tuberculosis” in March of 1918. She was 24.

Needless to say, the loss of such potential, knowing what compositions we do have, is considerable. When Lili won her Prix de Rome, Nadia, herself a composer, decided to give up composing, saying that Lili was the one who had the talent; instead, she decided to focus on teaching (again, another story for another time).

Lili Boulanger's Prelude in D-flat
The Prelude in D-flat which Ms Kent performs on this program in her own arrangement was composed in March, 1911, when Lili Boulanger was 17, one of her earliest compositions written before she officially became a student at the Conservatoire.

What new music might she have heard at the time? Stravinsky's Firebird was premiered in Paris in June, 1910, but his next ballet, Petrushka wouldn't be premiered until June, 1911. Though he began composing The Rite of Spring that summer, it wouldn't be premiered in Paris until May, 1913.

More of a direct influence is evident from the first book of Preludes Debussy published in 1910 – particularly La Cathédrale engloutie (The Sunken Cathedral) or Voiles (Sails) with their non-traditional use of coloristic harmonies. If anything inspired a young composer to go and do likewise, it would be these pieces that fired her own creative imagination.

Maurice Ravel would become more of an influence on her later music. His Piano Trio was premiered in Paris in January, 1915. Compare Ravel's scherzo, “Pantoum,” to Boulanger's D'un matin de printemps (Of a Spring Morning), a brief scherzo which was first composed for violin and piano in the spring of 1917 (you can listen to it, here).

She also made arrangements of it for piano trio as well as flute and piano before turning it into an orchestral tone poem. This would be the last work she was able to complete though she needed help from her sister to fill in the dynamic details and performance directions.

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And now, last but not least-well-known, the music of Carlos Salzedo as Abigail Kent closes this program with a virtuosic work by the most influential harpist of the 20th Century, his Ballade, the first of three pieces published in 1914 as his Op.28.



Despite the Spanish name, Salzedo was born in the popular seaside resort of Arcachon on the Bay of Biscay in southwestern France, though only because his parents – musicians who lived in Bayonne just north of the Spanish border – were on vacation and his mother fell down the stairs, going into labor two months prematurely! A musical family – his father was a singer who would later teach at the Paris Conservatoire; his mother, a pianist who was the “summer-court pianist” to the Queen of Spain when she visited Biarritz; his older brother, a violinist – young León-Charles began playing the piano and played for the Queen when he was 3. He also composed a little polka he entitled “Mosquito.” His mother died a few years later, the family moved to Bordeaux and by the time he was 7, Salzedo began studying at the music school there.

Two years later, they moved to Paris where he entered the Conservatoire at the age of 9 as a piano student. His father decided he should also have a second instrument, so he began taking harp lessons as well, studying with Alphonse Hasselmann (see above) and, now 13, entering the Conservatoire this time as a harp student, in addition to being a piano student. When he was 16, he won first prize in the harp competition and in the piano competition, both on the same day. Two years later, he gave his first public recital as both harpist and pianist and changed his first name from León-Charles to Carlos.

Though he hadn't taken the requisite courses to sign up for a course in counterpoint, Fauré signed the waiver to allow the exception for Salzedo after he'd written out a Bach fugue from memory.

Un compositeur avec son piano et sa harpe
But still, Salzedo only began taking composition seriously a few years before the start of World War I when he was already in his mid-20s, after graduating from the Conservatoire and going off to New York to play in the Metropolitan Opera's orchestra (at the invitation of Toscanini) in 1909. He left there in 1913, formed a touring chamber group and, on a tour of England, decided to get married and honeymoon in France where the newlyweds found themselves trapped by the start of the war. Salzedo was drafted, made a cook for his unit (yes, that sounds about right: “you're a musician? Fine, then you can cook...”) and was discharged after a year with pneumonia.

Eventually, he returned to the United States where he became an American citizen, performed widely, taught even more widely, starting the Harp Department at Curtis in 1924 and establishing a “Harp Camp” in Maine which continued to evolve even after his death in 1961.

This Ballade was the first of three pieces called “Trois morceaux” (appropriately, Three Pieces) which he wrote in 1913 and published the following year as his Op. 28. Fauré thought his previous work, a Piece concertante, Op. 27, was “promising.” He would go on to write a great deal of music for solo harp or chamber music with harp, all exploring the potential of the technique for the instrument, mostly in coloristic effects but even in “suitable gestures” which he developed for the players in collaboration with no less than Nijinsky, the great dancer and choreographer, who was a neighbor of his in Maine!

While Salzedo's playing technique has become standard to most music lovers today, to understand the evolution of harp playing, perhaps this analogy with the piano might help. In Mozart's day, the harpsichord-like fortepiano's limited range and scope could not compare to the vast concert grands of the mid-19th Century which had more keys and more effects possible with its pedals. Then, too, there was the difference in “writing for the piano” that evolved from Mozart through Beethoven to Chopin and Liszt. Plus, you can throw in a few of those special effects championed by Henry Cowell (like “The Banshee” of 1925) or John Cage, exploring the insides of the piano with plucking the strings or placing objects on or between strings to affect the timbre which he began in the late-1930s (do not try this at home).

Not that Salzedo was imitating any of these styles – most of his music sounds more related to Ravel who was, as an excellent pianist, also a master of keyboard technique – but yes, essentially Salzedo covered the distance between Mozart and Cage, about 160 years' development, in a mere decade.

One of the technical aspects of the harp which continues to mystify many composers still is the use of the pedals. Unlike the piano, the harp's pedals have a different raison d'etre which does not involve letting the sound ring or affecting the strings' color: they change the harp-strings' pitch. The piano has a string or set of strings for each key, but the harp can only have so many strings if it's to remain practical within the limitations of the human arm. So basically the instrument is what we call a “diatonic” instrument – let's say, a piano that can only play a seven-note scale (where a piano has a key for each of the 12 pitches of the “chromatic” scale).

In order to play, let's say, an F-sharp, the harpist shifts a pedal that affects all the F strings on the instrument and changes them to F-sharp. But it can't play an F-natural in the left hand and an F-sharp in the right: all the F strings become F-sharps at once. So, in a practice that drives theory teachers wild, a harpist would play an F-natural in the left hand, but a G-flat in the right (a G-flat and an F-sharp being the same on a piano, a practice that drives string players wild).

Part of the problem for harpists with modern atonal music – whether “12-tone” or not – is the lack of “diatonic consistency” which means there's a lot of pedal-shifting. I remember a harp student at Eastman (her teacher was one of Salzedo's leading students, Alice Chalifoux) who was confronted by a harp-ignorant composer's chamber piece where the prominent harp part had her feet moving almost as much as her hands were, constantly changing the seven pedals that stretch across the base of the instrument. She eventually could play it as written, though she said it was unnecessarily difficult and would have been greatly improved if the composer had been a little more careful with his choice of pitches and the frequency with which pedals would've needed to be changed.

Her main concession, she admitted, was wearing black sneakers instead of her usual concert-dress shoes: otherwise the constant clattering of her feet on the stage's hardwood floor would sound like an entire percussion section playing a perpetual motion in the background, at times drowning out some of the piece's quieter passages. I remember another harpist holding a special “master class in writing for the harp” for us Eastman composition students: she admitted it was more in self-defense than anything else but I found it very helpful (not that I've ever written much for harp).

This is not a problem limited to students. Elliott Carter (who had studied with Nadia Boulanger in Paris in the early-1930s) wrote his “Mosaic” for Harp and seven instruments in 2004 at the age of 95. This, he explained, was a recollection of having known and worked with Carlos Salzedo “a long time ago.” But yet the harpist's feet are still dancing almost constantly to accommodate his all-12-note chromatic style. When interviewed by the director of an ensemble playing it, Carter said the biggest challenge in fact was this business of “trying not to have the lady changing pedals on every single note,” to which the conductor replied, “you did a very bad job, I have to tell you...”

As far as his own compositions are concerned, Salzedo's impact may be more in his having become a champion for his instrument with most of the great composers of his day, particularly regarding the “expanded techniques” available to the instrument either as a soloist or within the orchestra. This cross-fertilization between composers and performers continues today with the legion of Salzedo students and grand-students who have since populated many of the best orchestras and music schools around the world.

Dick Strawser


Thursday, April 2, 2020

Music in a Time of Anxiety: Bartók's Sonata for Two Pianos & Percussion

In what feels like Week #144 of the global COVID-19 Isolation, Peter Sirotin, Artistic Director of Market Square Concerts, has selected two works for this week's “Weekly Dose of Great Chamber Music” with the view that music is good medicine for the soul. The main reason for selecting these two performances is to feature Stuart Malina, whose celebration of his Twenty Years as Music Director of the Harrisburg Symphony has been cut short by concerns over the Coronavirus. Featured as a guest pianist with Market Square Concerts over many of those years, Malina was also to be involved with MSC's final concert of the season, our own celebration of Stuart's Twenty Years in Harrisburg and that too, now, has been canceled, rescheduled for a later season.

There is another theme in these two works. Hungarian composer Bela Bartók wrote his Sonata for Two Pianos and Percussion in the shadow of what soon became World War II and the dark mood, especially of the first movement and many of the nighttime interruptions of the middle movement, reflect that period of grim uncertainty. Soviet composer Dmitri Shostakovich wrote his Piano Quintet in G Minor in 1940, shortly after World War II began, where the looming threat was the imminent invasion by Nazi Germany in June of 1941.

While much is made of our being at war with an “invisible enemy,” perhaps the associations with this music is apt. Just as art can be entertaining, it can also be intellectually stimulating. It can also be cathartic and let us know – as the acting teacher Stella Adler said in a quote that heads this blog, “Life beats down and crushes the soul and art reminds you that you have one” – we have gotten through anxious times before and we can get through this one.

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Speaking of anxious times, this performance of Bartók's Sonata was given on September 10th, 2016, the day before the 15th Anniversary of the terrorist attacks on September 11th, 2001, and took place at Messiah College in Grantham PA where Market Square Concerts' directors Peter Sirotin and Ya-Ting Chang are also faculty members. In this concert, you may recognize some of the performers (even the page-turners): in addition to Ya-Ting Chang, there's pianist Stuart Malina and percussionists Christopher Rose (also principal percussionist of the Harrisburg Symphony) and Erik Forst (Director of Percussion Studies at Messiah College). Peter Sirotin plays the civilian role of page turner for his wife, Ya-Ting; and Zev Malina, whose Suite for Orchestra opened the Harrisburg Symphony's 2019-2020 Season, turns pages for his dad.

The Sonata is in three movements: an opening “Sonata Form” movement (its ominous introduction begins at 4:20 with an almost inaudible timpani roll on a low F-sharp); a middle slow movement (itself in traditional A-B-A form), an example of Bartók's “night music” (beginning at 18:16); and a rousing, dance-like finale (beginning at 25:58) which seems destined to end in a blaze of C Major before it subsides in an almost inaudible ending with snare drum and cymbal (two instruments not usually associated with “quiet”).

(again, the blog template limits the size of the video window: if you wish to view it “full screen,” click on the bracketed square in the video's lower right corner when you hover the mouse over the image.)
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Given Bartók's explorations of the percussive side of the piano, especially in his music of the 1920s, it seemed logical someone should suggest – probably Paul Sacher, the conductor of a string orchestra in Basel who'd already commissioned Bartók to write his Divertimento and the Music for Strings, Percussion and Celeste in the mid-1930s – he ought to write something for piano and percussion. A commission was then arranged from the Basel group of the International Society for Contemporary Music in 1937.

Bartók at home (1938)
As he began working on it, it became clear Bartók needed two pianos to offset the battery of percussion instruments he wanted, a set-up that was now going to require two players. This might have been a practical solution, also, considering he was a busy concert pianist, and his wife, known to history as Ditta (short for Edith), a former piano student of his, had given up her aspirations for a solo career to become a wife and mother: it would give them something to play together as a piano duo.

They gave the first performance in Basel on January 16th, 1938, and then performed it in Budapest two or three months later.

Georg Solti, one of the great conductors of the 20th Century, had studied piano with Bartók in Budapest (and composition with Ernő Dohnányi), graduating from the Franz Liszt Academy in 1930. In a 1987 documentary about his recording the Sonata for Two Pianos and Percussion, Solti recalled how he had gone to hear the concert but just as he sat down in the audience, someone asked him if he would turn pages for Mrs Bartók whom he had never met. Remember, he'd never heard the piece before, or even seen the score, with no opportunity to rehearse: they just walked out on stage.

“It was very exciting but it was very difficult to turn the page. So if you ask me, 'How did you like the piece?' ...'I don't know!' I was too busy turning pages...” Unlike the Basel premiere which was quite well received, the audience reaction in Budapest – given the difficult political situation between the liberal composer and the pro-Fascist government in 1938 – was what Solti called “cruel indifference,” slowly clapping his hands, three times, without any enthusiasm. Most of the audience remained silent. “It was terrible.”

Curiously, this reflects a conversation the composer had with his son, Peter, who was at the time 14, and which he related in his memoir, My Father.

Me interviewing Peter Bartók, 2011
In 2011, I had the amazing opportunity to interview Peter Bartók via Skype from his home in Florida for a program at Gretna Music featuring all six of Bartók's string quartets (that summer, he turned 87). Now, since the composer rarely (if ever) talked about the technical side of his composing with friends and students, he was unlikely to talk shop with his teenaged son. But Peter remembered many fascinating details that can give us a personal insight into the man behind the music.

When his parents were rehearsing Mozart's Sonata for Two Pianos, K.448, and preparing his father's new Sonata for Two Pianos and Percussion, young Peter asked his father, concerned about the public reaction to his own music, why he didn’t write music more like Mozart. If his father was wounded by this question, Peter said he didn’t show it but carefully explained how music changes with times and a composer today had to write music for today: it wasn’t a matter of writing what pleased audiences more.
Peter Bartók (age 8) with his father and mother in 1932

Of course, growing up with a famous composer for a father, there are things you're not aware of compared to other children: when he began taking his first piano lessons from his father, he would walk in and find something freshly composed on the piano's music rack, a little piece to work on and gradually build a beginner's technique. Eventually, these became the famous collection of "teaching pieces" called Mikrokosmos.

Quoting from a previous post, I'm thinking here of the Sonata's middle movement, one of many "night pieces" Bartók composed:

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Bartók was interested in Nature. Peter mentioned how, when he was a child, they would have chickens in the backyard of their Budapest home (one that was in the relatively quieter suburbs) as well as rabbits; and how Bartók wrote to his son (then visiting his sister’s farm during the summer) that baby rabbits had been born and how he was building wooden coops to accommodate them. Sitting in the backyard with a picnic lunch, it was not unusual for one of the hens, by that time more of a family pet than a provider of fresh eggs, to wander around through the grass.

In any of my classes that mentioned Bartók’s music, I was always told the frequent occurrence of what he called “Night Music” was an abstract rendering of various night sounds – breezes, insect noises, bird cries and the like.

Yet Peter told pianist Leonid Hambro, listening to his recording of the suite, Out of Doors, how well he’d caught the frogs from his aunt’s farm, a memorable sound from those summer holidays, much to Hambro’s surprise. “Frogs?” he’d said, never thinking what the sounds really represented.
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Still, as you listen to the middle movement of this Sonata, it's clear this is not an idyllic nocturne inspired by sitting on the porch of a remote farmhouse listening to frogs down at the pond or the buzzing of insects. That insistent short repeated figure interrupting the middle of the movement, a distant layer behind those long, slowly crawling melodic fibers –  an ominous drum-beat? - ya-dah-duh dee-dah-duh – what does it mean, if it means anything? Certainly the growing tension is palpable, perhaps even fear, as it rises to a climax before fading away?

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It is also important, if you really want to get into the background behind Bartók's creativity, to be aware how turbulent these times were in Hungary's history. While some choose to ignore the influence of history on a particular work – imagine Beethoven's Eroica without Napoleon or Shostakovich's 5th without Stalin – much less the creative psyche of its composer, art is not usually created in a vacuum. Yes, some may be as escapist for the artist as the art-lover, but sometimes the period a composer lives in (or lives through) leaves its imprint directly or indirectly on the music he writes. If that were not the case, Bartók's last string quartet and this Sonata would be very different pieces – and Bartók would not have moved to America and died in poverty in 1945. Oh, he may still have died of leukemia at the age of 64, but living “at home” assuming you could mention his life-story without mentioning World War II or Hitler...

He was born in what is now Romania but he's not Romanian. Ethnically, he is Hungarian and the region of Transylvania (best known in America for exporting vampires) where he was born was then part of the Kingdom of Hungary which was politically one half (arguably) of the Austro-Hungarian Empire where the King of Hungary was the same guy who was the Emperor of Austria. German was the official language and German culture was the predominant influence on all aspects of Hungarian life. This becomes more evident when you understand that the Hungarian composer – also a friend and colleague of Bartók's – Ernő Dohnányi chose to go by the German form of his name, Ernst von Dohnányi, during his life (even his grandson, the American-based conductor, was still Christoph von Dohnányi). Reverting to the Hungarian form of his name is a kind of cultural revisionism but one in which Hungarians can claim their own.

Bela Bartók, 1903
As a student, Bartók refused to speak German at home and only in public when he had to. He was so much a Hungarian patriot, his first major orchestral composition was a symphonic poem written in 1903 based on the life of Hungarian politician Lajos Kossuth, hero of the 1848 Revolution for Hungarian Independence (though the revolution failed in its ultimate goal, it eventually led to the formation of the dual state of Austria-Hungary after almost twenty more years of at times “passive resistance” or outright rebellion). The fact Bartók used a satirical motive mocking the Austrian National Anthem to represent the Germanic occupation of Hungary may partly explain the work's success at its premiere in Budapest and why it was rejected by the Vienna Philharmonic.

Following World War I, the Austro-Hungarian Empire collapsed and Hungary was immediately embroiled in various internal wars trying to keep itself intact as well as dealing with political factions like the pro-Communist forces (following the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia in 1917) and the conservative Royalists. By 1920, the Royalists had won but had to deal with a treaty that redrew the Hungarian map. The kingdom now lost 72% of its former lands, becoming now (like Austria) a small and insignificant land-locked nation.

Ruled by a “regent,” the kingdom never had a king and Miklós Horthy's regime, especially after the 1929 Depression, became increasingly linked with Germany. As Hitler came to power, the Hungarian government became increasingly pro-Nazi, eventually passing two “Jewish Laws” in 1938-39 which severely limited the Jews' ability to be involved first in commerce, then in all aspects of Hungarian life. Once the Anschluss brought Austria directly under Hitler's control in March, 1938, many Hungarians realized it was only a matter of time.

In 1936, the Bartóks went on a concert tour of Switzerland and returned the next year for a family holiday. While visiting friends there, one of them was playing a record of Benny Goodman and, knowing how Bartók disliked recordings and probably wouldn't care for Jazz, he went to turn it off, but Bartók asked him to let it continue. This became the inspiration behind his writing Contrasts for violin, clarinet, and piano the following year. Having composed his 5th String Quartet in 1934 for America, he wrote the “Music for Strings, Percussion, and Celesta” (1937) and the Divertimento for Strings (1939) for Paul Sacher in Basel, Switzerland. While there, he was commissioned by the Basel branch of the International Society for Contemporary Music for a work for piano and percussion which became the Sonata for Two Pianos and Percussion, completed in 1937.

But Bartók had been concerned about the rise of Fascism since 1931, even before Hitler became Germany's Chancellor. He defended Toscanini who was being attacked by the Italian Fascists and after performing his 2nd Piano Concerto in Frankfurt, Germany, in 1933, Bartók vowed never to perform in Germany again and in 1937 forbade broadcasts of his music in Germany and Italy. He changed publishers that same year, switching from the Viennese-based Universal Edition to the British firm, Boosey & Hawkes.

Between 1938 and '39, he moved his collection of manuscripts and research material from Budapest to London “so at least my manuscripts could be somewhere safe.” But his mother, old and in frail health, kept him tied to Budapest. Only after her death in December, 1939 – Germany had by then invaded Poland and the War had begun – he went on a concert tour to the USA in the spring of 1940 and, after returning for a farewell performance in Budapest with his wife, the family fled Hungary to Lisbon and then to New York City in the fall of 1940. His last major work to be composed in Europe was the 6th String Quartet, begun on one last Swiss holiday in August, 1939 (the invasion of Poland was only days away) and finished it back in Budapest in November. His mother died the following month.

Bela & Ditta Bartók, April 1941
But of course those who deny the world around them has no influence on a composer's creations have no explanation why Bartók's 6th Quartet consists of four movements deeply infused by a sense of impending tragedy. Each movement begins Mesto (sad) and the last movement is dominated by this material.

In 1940, his new publisher suggested Bartók arrange the Sonata for Two Pianos and Percussion as a Concerto for Two Pianos. This was given its premiere in London with other pianists in 1942 but Bartók and his wife gave the American premiere with Fritz Reiner and the New York Philharmonic in January, 1943. It was to be his last public performance: two-and-a-half years later, Bartók died of leukemia.

– Dick Strawser

Music in a Time of Anxiety: Shostakovich's Piano Quintet

This is Part Two of this week's "Weekly Dose of Great Chamber Music" from Peter Sirotin and Market Square Concerts, this time with two past performances featuring pianist Stuart Malina, conductor and music director of the Harrisburg Symphony Orchestra. This season marks his 20th Anniversary with the orchestra and our April concert which has already been postponed (and rescheduled to a future season) celebrated that anniversary as well.

In Part One, which you can view here, he joined MSC Director Ya-Ting Chang in Bela Bartók's Sonata for Two Pianos and Percussion from a 2016 concert at Messiah College commemorating the 15th Anniversary of September 11th, 2001, a performance that includes percussionists Christopher Rose of the HSO and Erik Forst of the Messiah College faculty.

In this installment, he joins the Jasper Quartet in a concert that opened the 2013-2014 season.

There are basically four great piano quintets in the repertoire. Three of these, to list them chronologically, are Robert Schumann's Quintet, followed by the one by his protege, Johannes Brahms which itself is then followed by the second one by his protege, Antonin Dvořák. Each one of these is regarded as a major work of 19th Century Romanticism.

And there's the one by Dmitri Shostakovich, considered one of the great chamber works of the 20th Century.

(You can view a performance of the Dvořák with Stuart Malina, here, included earlier in this series: scroll down to the third work on the program).

Former Director of Market Square Concerts Ellen Hughes, in her role as Patriot-News columnist, interviewed both Peter Sirotin and Stuart Malina for “Art & Soul” about the Shostakovich Quintet prior to the original 2013 concert:

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Sirotin calls this quintet an intensely dramatic, symphonic work. "Shostakovich always thought in terms of the orchestra, so this is ideal for Stuart, as both a conductor and pianist," Sirotin said. "The quintet is triumphant and cheerful on the surface, with sardonic and tragic elements underneath."

Sirotin grew up in the Ukraine. He told me that he identifies with Shostakovich's dilemma as an artist living in a repressive society, as evidenced by this astounding work, especially the composer's use of farce to disguise a sense of menace.

Malina calls it an amazing piece. He's played the piano part four times in concert, each time with a different ensemble. "It doesn't let up," he said. "Though it seems simple at the start," he said, "it becomes crazy and difficult, with the right and left hands playing in a canon with each other." Every time he agrees to do it, he said, he rediscovers just how daunting it is.

But the end result is "really a pleasure," he said. "I feel fortunate and excited to play such an incredible piece with an impeccably prepared string quartet," he added, despite or perhaps because of those challenges.
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This performance, with pianist Stuart Malina and the Jasper Quartet, was recorded at the opening concert of the 2013-2014 Market Square Concerts season in Market Square Church. The video was recorded by Newman Stare.



Shostakovich in 1941
It's a work in five movements – at many of the initial performances, the third and fifth movements were encored, giving rise to the quip “the quintet is a work in five movements of which there are seven.” It opens with a grand flourish in the piano which is eventually answered by the strings' entrance. If the opening proceeds like a Bach prelude, keep in mind the first two movements are, in fact, labeled “Prelude & Fugue.” In that sense, I often think of this as a single movement of which there are two: one does not make sense without the other.

The next movement is called a Scherzo (pronounced skair'-tzoh) which is Italian for “joke.” Beethoven had begun using the term to replace the more stately minuet of his teacher's generation with something a little more down-to-earth. In either case, these third movements were intended to be light-hearted. But frequently they became more dramatic, even demonic (Brahms' C Minor Piano Quartet's scherzo is hardly light) and with Shostakovich, very often his scherzos can be cynical and violent.

By contrast, the Intermezzo is understated, a return to the seriousness (if not the somberness) of the fugue.

Ask most Americans about Russian music and they will find its common denominator being untold sadness. Back in the late-70s, I asked a Soviet ethno-sociologist who was visiting the University of Connecticut where I was then teaching a course in Russian Music, “why does Russian music sound so sad?” She replied as if she'd never thought about it before: “I don't know – perhaps it's the long winters?”

After all this – and keeping in mind the expectations of a finale following the triumphal march we usually associate with Shostakovich's 5th Symphony or the “flippant hilarity” of the 6th's conclusion, both of which he'd recently completed – this finale is at times light-hearted but not vulgar, often more wistful than sad and the ending is almost like a movie's final scene where the characters walk slowly into the sunset as the light fades. I am always reminded, when I hear this ending, that Shostakovich as a boy played piano in a silent movie theater and one of his favorite characters was Charlie Chaplin's Little Tramp.

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After the intense symphonies Shostakovich would later compose (particularly the emotionally charged 7th, known as the Leningrad, which Malina will conduct with the Harrisburg Symphony in May, 2021) and the complexities of his personality – not to mention the complexity of his personal situation as an artistic spokesman to the world for official Soviet art, and especially after the still controversial posthumous memoir published as Testimony by Semyon Volkov (largely discredited but frequently discussed and difficult to dismiss) – it is always tempting to go back to his music to look for “hidden programs.”
Dmitri Shostakovich

What a composer “thinks” while he is composing can only be proven if, somewhere, he writes or has said “this is what I was thinking when I wrote this music.”

Beethoven might tell a friend, in order to understand the mysterious opening movement of his D Minor Piano Sonata, “read Shakespeare's Tempest” (which is why it's called the Tempest Sonata), but he also was watching a rider galloping past on a horse and then quickly returned home to improvise what became the last movement of the same sonata (we know this because this same friend was there to witness this: therefore, the sonata could also be called “The Rider Sonata”).

But because Beethoven never said anything about moonlit nights pertaining to his C-sharp Minor Sonata, we cannot say “Beethoven was thinking of moonlight when he wrote the opening of the Moonlight Sonata” – the kind of “sounds-like” thinking we often use to explain the inexplicable that could also lead to the last movement giving it the nickname “The Thunderstorm Sonata” or, just to be confusing, the Tempest...

So we don't know what Shostakovich “meant” by this finale. One writer hears a “kindly babushka” (the quintessential Russian grandmother) consoling us that everything will be alright in the opening theme. The second theme, we are told, with its little fanfares and sprightly melody, is actually an inversion of a traditional fanfare used to introduce the clown acts into the Russian circus (and please let's not call it the Send in the Clowns Quintet...).

It would not be a big leap from here to a discussion on Shostakovich and the traditional Russian view of the “Village Idiot,” the urodivi or simpleton which is better translated as the “Holy Fool.” The most famous example of this to a Western audience is the character in Mussorgsky's historic opera, Boris Godunov where (if you end with the Revolution Scene and not Boris' death) it is the Holy Fool who is left lamenting the fate of the Russian People.

Boris Godunov & the Holy Fool
Earlier in the opera, in a scene frequently cut from Western productions for some reason, there is a confrontation between the Simpleton and the all-powerful Tsar (who reportedly had had the rightful heir to the throne murdered so he could ascend the throne). After the street-children had stolen his last penny, the Simpleton asks Boris to punish the children, to kill them – like he did the Tsaryevich (the rightful heir). But Boris stops his soldiers from arresting the fool – instead, he asks the fool to pray for him. Russians believed that such people were closer to God and could intercede for them and therefore were given more leeway than ordinary people might be granted.

Oh, I should mention that, in 1939, between completing the 6th Symphony and beginning work on his Piano Quintet, Shostakovich did his own re-orchestration of Mussorgsky's opera, Boris Godunov.

But while that's a possible influence and a coincidence of timing, still, it makes it pure conjecture to tie it into the Quintet's finale (and yet...).

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The G Minor Piano Quintet began life as almost his 2nd String Quartet. But friends of his in the Beethoven String Quartet had asked him to compose something with piano that he could play with them, and so the quintet began to take shape. He began working on it during the summer of 1940 and completed it on September 14th. He and the Beethoven Quartet gave it its first performance on November 23rd at the Moscow Conservatory. It was received with universal acclaim and the scherzo and finale both had to be encored.

In fact, it was so well received, it won the Stalin Prize in 1941, something rather unusual for a chamber work without an overtly political programme, given the timing, but also ironic, perhaps, since Shostakovich had been in such political hot water for his opera Lady Macbeth of the Mtsensk District which resulted in the (in)famous attack in the press – the article “Muddle Instead of Music” – brought on by Stalin's dislike of the opera and its “degenerate Western influences” (Stalin and his wife went to the opera and stormed out, highly offended, despite the fact it had already proven to be a box-office success). He was able to save himself – quite literally – by composing his famous 5th Symphony which someone (not the composer) called “A Soviet Artist's Response to Just Criticism.”

To place things in a chronological perspective, that article appeared on January 28th, 1936; in the spring of 1937, he was nearly arrested (he would have been one of over seven million people who'd be arrested in Stalin's purges between 1936 and 1939) and was saved only because the person who was preparing his arrest was himself arrested first!

Interrogated on a Friday, the composer was told to come back Monday. But imagine your relief if, after a weekend's sleepless anxiety, you'd packed a “to-go” bag of personal necessities and gone into the police station to resume the interrogation, expecting it would end in your being sent off to prison, only to find the officer in charge of your “case” no longer there and told instead, basically, to “take your little bag and go.”

This was around the time he'd already been sketching what would become his 5th Symphony. He finished sketching it on September 11th, 1937 and completed the “short score” a week later and the full score in October. The premiere on November 21st was a huge success that no doubt saved his career (and quite possibly his life).

In 1938, he wrote his first string quartet, starting what would become a new interest in chamber music through the rest of his career. If for no other reason, it usually failed to attract the attention of the government bureaucrats who were more concerned about the large-scale “public statements” the composer made in his more public works like symphonies and operas. He would save many of his most personal statements for his chamber music, especially his later string quartets – like the 8th which incorporates his famous musical signature, his initials D SCH in the pitches D – E-flat – C – B-natural in German notation.

His Sixth Symphony, then, composed shortly after the string quartet, was a more “public” work and was being anticipated as “more of the same,” an offering to the concept of Soviet-Socialist Realism. Unfortunately, the work met with almost universal confusion and has always been a difficult symphony to make sense of, in three movements with a long, slowly unfolding first movement (instead of the traditional allegro) and then a seemingly unrelated scherzo and galloping finale, something vulgar when compared to the expected heroic finish.

This was premiered in November, 1939.

The following summer, then, he composed another chamber work – which, as I mentioned, was originally going to be a second string quartet before being turned into the Piano Quintet.

As Shostakovich told the story to his life-long friend, the literary critic Isaak Davidovich Glickman:

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“Do you know why I added a piano part to this quartet? So that I could have the chance to perform [it] myself and thereby travel on concert tours. Now the 'Glazunovs' and the 'Beethovens' [the two quartets whom he'd scheduled performances of the quintet with] won't be able to do without me – and I'll get a chance to see the world.”

We both burst out laughing.

“Are you joking?” I asked.

Dmitri Dmitriyevich [Shostakovich] answered, “Not in the slightest! You are an inveterate stay-at-home, while at heart I'm an inveterate traveler!” But from the expression on his face it was impossible to tell if he was joking or not. We had this conversation in the summer of the year preceding the war [1941].

[Glickman, Letters to a Friend, quoted in Elizabeth Wilson's “Shostakovich: A Life Remembered,” p.165]
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Though Shostakovich performed the quintet often during his career as a composer-pianist, the quintet never became the “vehicle” that allowed him to tour the world. There were trips abroad – one notable one to Paris where he recorded the two piano concertos but where the illness that would make it impossible for him to continue playing was already affecting his hands.

The next-to-last time he performed in public was in February 1964. He was scheduled to play the quintet with the Borodin Quartet in the city of Gorki, but played only the Intermezzo because of the unreliability of his hands. Though he announced it was to be his last public appearance, he agreed to accompany Galina Vishnevskaya, the soprano who was married to his friend and protege, Mstislav Rostropovich, and a baritone in a program in May 1966, but he was so nervous about the concert and whether his hands would cooperate or not. His friend Isaak Glickman who was in the audience saw the composer was in physical agony, presumably brought on by his nerves.

The next night, Shostakovich suffered a serious heart attack and spent the following two months in the hospital. It was while he was in the hospital this time that he chose the texts for his 14th Symphony which is a combination symphony/song-cycle for soprano and baritone with strings: all of the texts deal with death...

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When Shostakovich performed the piece for the first time with the Glazunov String Quartet (in 1941), the cellist recalled how

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“We, the string players, wanted to 'sing,' to play with more emotion. Shostakovich accentuated the constructive, motor elements and achieved his effect through clarity and the flow of the music. The emotional restraint of his playing led to a certain contradiction with the nature of strings. He demanded the minimum use of vibrato. The fast tempi excluded in themselves any possibility of emotional exaggeration and an open cantilena.”
[quoted in Elizabeth Wilson's “Shostakovich: A Life Remembered”, p. 165.]
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Valentin Berlinsky, the cellist of another quartet – this one, not yet called the Borodin String Quartet – recalls their first association with the composer in 1944 when they were still conservatory students. He was coming to hear them play his first quartet and “he had arrived a few seconds after nine [o'clock]. To my amazement, he started apologizing for being late.”

They didn't perform the quintet with him until 1947, but Berlinsky recalls some details from their rehearsals:

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“...which took place at his home. In the Prelude, he asked us not to make a ritenuto [a drawing out of the tempo] despite its being written in the score. 'But ritenuto is written here,' we exclaimed. He came up to us very nervously, took out a pen and crossed out the marking in every part.

“Rudolf Barshai was the violist in the quartet at the time. In the Finale there is an imitation between the cello and viola. It's in the score now but it wasn't then. The cello and viola were supposed to play together but Barshai made a mistake and came in after I did. Shostakovich stopped playing and said, 'Please, mark it the way you played it just now.'”
[quoted in Wilson, “Shostakovich: A Life Remembered,” p.279]
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Barshai told Ms. Wilson separately his side of this story:

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“Barshai was also studying composition [she writes in a footnote] and on occasion would show Shostakovich his scores. Once, just before the rehearsal mentioned [by Berlinsky], he visited Shostakovich and during their meeting they talked about the Piano Quintet. Barshai suggested a small correction in the finale. 'Play it like that tomorrow in the rehearsal and we'll see,' the composer suggested. At the rehearsal Barshai played the suggested correction in the relevant bars without warning his colleagues. Shostakovich then stopped the rehearsal and told him, 'Leave it like that, please.' Berlinsky in turn was skeptical... telling me that it was unheard of that Shostakovich should accept advice from anyone.”
[Wilson, “Shostakovich: A Life Remembered,” p.279]
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Berlinsky continues, saying how, in all, the Borodin Quartet played the quintet eight times with the composer, the last time being that sad occasion where he could only play the Intermezzo.

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“Shostakovich was a very anxious performer. Because of that all our tempi tended to be too fast. The amazing thing is that he appeared to be ashamed of his own music. He used to say, ' Let's play it fast, otherwise the audience will get bored.' He particularly rushed the slow movements. For instance, in the 3rd Quartet, he hurried us on in the great funeral march of the fourth movement. 'No, no,' he would say, 'while you're stretching out that first C-sharp, the audience will fall asleep.' In general, his marking of the tempo often contradicted what he really wanted.

“We would say, 'But, Dmitri Dmitriyevich, your metronome mark is such-and-such.'

“He replied, 'Well, you see, my metronome at home is out of order, so pay no attention to what I wrote.'

“Sometimes he wrote in the metronome markings after the first performance by the Beethoven Quartet [who usually premiered his new quartets]. It's leader, Dmitri Tsyganov, was by nature a fast player, and this influenced Shostakovich's tempo markings. We never played the same tempi that the Beethoven Quartet took.

“Many years later, we recorded the first eleven quartets [there would eventually be fifteen, in all] in Japan and we presented Shostakovich with the records. Shortly afterwards, he wrote us a very detailed letter which didn't contain a single reference to the tempi. Most of the complaints were in regard to the dynamics... and to some wrong notes. These mostly turned out to be misprints in the score.”
[Wilson, “Shostakovich: A Life Remembered,” p.280]
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A violinist who later joined the Leningrad Philharmonic, Yakov Milkis recalled seeing Shostakovich for the first time in the late-1940s when he was in his prime as a performer.

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“I often heard him perform his own works and I particularly remember his concerts with the Beethoven Quartet. He was a wonderful pianist and when performing, he was completely absorbed in his own world. His playing conveyed an ideal sense of form and structure but more than that it was an expression of his innermost world, one that cost him sweat, blood and tears. He played with a special touch and colour, and often quite intentionally treated the piano as a percussion instrument. It is rare that a composer uses the upper register of the piano like a xylophone, making a sharp, percussive sound. This is how he played the Scherzo from the Piano Quintet, for instance. I still have the particular sound of his sarcastic dry staccato in my ears today. It completely suited the style of the music.

“He always sat alone [in orchestra rehearsals] preferring some inconspicuous spot in the stalls. He... seemed to retire into himself, melting into his surroundings, so as to be left undisturbed while listening and working. This incredible modesty was apparent also when he was in a gathering of people. Here too he appeared to fade into the background, doing his best not to attract attention to himself.
[Wilson, “Shostakovich: a Life Remembered,” p.355]
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1948 had been another terrible year for Shostakovich. Unlike the attack in 1936, Zhdanov's decree was intent on rooting out Western influences in Soviet music in which Shostakovich, Prokofiev and several other leading composers were condemned first by the Stalinist bureaucrats and then by their colleagues. This affected Shostakovich differently, this time.

Rather than writing another “Soviet Artist's Reply to Just Criticism,” he ceased composing at all. Or, that is, publishing anything. Life was difficult, his income dried up – no one would perform his music so he had no income and who would risk commissioning new works from him with Stalin's displeasure so close to the surface? – and so he turned inward, writing solely for himself, often leaving things unseen by others in desk drawers, like his Violin Concerto and, perhaps, much of his 10th Symphony which either didn't see the light of day or wasn't begun until after Stalin's death in 1953 (the same day as Prokofiev's, as it turned out).

But he did compose a series of piano pieces inspired by Tatiana Nikolayeva's performance of Bach's Well-Tempered Clavier: his own set of 24 Preludes and Fugues.

Imagine what it must have meant for a composer, accused of being too influenced by Western Music and Germanic forms like the symphony, to sit down and write Bach-inspired fugues: there can hardly be a more Germanic formalist approach to writing music than a fugue! How completely un-Soviet!

And yet his Piano Quintet, composed in 1940 before the Nazi invasion drew the Soviet Union into the 2nd World War, opens with a Prelude and Fugue, as Bach-like, Germanic and formalist as anything he was accused of writing in 1948!

And yet in 1941, this Quintet won the Stalin Prize, the Soviet Union's highest award in the arts!

If it had been such a patriotic issue to attack a composer for his “formalist Western” style in 1948, why was the same “formalist Western” style worthy of receiving the government's highest award seven years earlier?

Vagaries of politics aside, given all that, now listen to Dmitri Shostakovich playing his Piano Quintet which he himself premiered in 1940 with the Beethoven Quartet for whom it was composed, but recorded here in 1949, the year he turned 43:

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Prelude:

Fugue:

Scherzo:

Intermezzo:

Finale:

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– Dick Strawser